North Korea among nations whose activities bear watching in changing Arctic

North Korea among nations whose activities bear watching in changing Arctic

The Arctic’s strategic and economic potential is increasingly apparent as the region’s ice melts at a substantial rate, boosting prospects for profitable natural resource extraction and direct shipping routes to Europe and elsewhere.

The 1920 Svalbard Treaty, which established Norwegian sovereignty over the namesake archipelago in the northwestern Arctic, remains in force a century after its formal adoption. It allows access to Svalbard and surrounding waters for commercial purposes, including extraction of natural resources and scientific endeavors. Australia, Canada, China, India, Japan, New Zealand, North Korea, Russia, South Korea and the United States are Indo-Pacific signatories to the treaty.

Svalbard’s location makes it an effective navigation waypoint en route to NATO countries and Russia. Three years ago, if someone had suggested that North Korean troops would fight alongside Russia, it likely would have been dismissed as absurd. Military planners might have doubted that North Korea could easily reach Russia via Svalbard. However, such skepticism would have been misguided. North Korea holds the same legal rights as the other 40-plus Svalbard Treaty members to access the region freely, engaging in resource extraction and research. Melting ice increases those prospects.

North Korea announced its intention to fully use those rights after signing the treaty in 2016. The Korean Central News Agency reported that doing so provided the nation “an international guarantee for conducting economic activities and scientific research in the islands.”

Svalbard has rich coal and other natural resources. It also houses the international Svalbard Global Seed Vault, an endeavor that North Korea supports. Though Norway and Russia currently are the only nations with a permanent physical presence on Svalbard for “economic activities,” 11 Asian countries conducted scientific research there as of 2024, according to the Research in Svalbard database. Four — China, India, Japan and South Korea — had research stations.

North Korea has also tapped into the economic potential of the increasingly navigable Northern Sea Route (NSR), using it for shipments to Russia. The NSR provides a significantly shorter shipping distance between Asia and Europe, reducing transportation costs.

Regional observers have expressed surprise at North Korea’s equal access to Svalbard’s natural resources. Although the treaty explicitly prohibits military activities, many nations remain concerned about China’s research endeavors in the region, including some by entities possibly linked to China’s People’s Liberation Army.

China, which calls itself a “near-Arctic” state, is among the Arctic Council forum’s 38 observing nations and organizations. China is not one of the council’s eight voting nations (Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden and the U.S.). The council does not have jurisdictional authority but portrays itself as “the leading intergovernmental forum promoting cooperation in the Arctic.”

Recent reports highlight North Korea’s efforts to enhance its involvement in the Arctic. Although it has not made formal claims or established bases in Svalbard, the North Korean government is interested in Arctic navigation and resource extraction. These pursuits are echoed by other nations vying for access to new shipping routes and untapped resources. Although North Korea does not claim its full treaty rights in Svalbard, its interests highlight the complex and evolving nature of Arctic geopolitics and resource competition. For military analysts and scholars, these developments warrant close observation.

Understanding the broader implications of such Arctic aspirations is crucial for those focused on maintaining stability in this rapidly changing frontier.